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A peasant-backed guerrilla movement controls significant rural territory in a Latin American country, enjoys genuine popular support, and has inflicted sustained military costs on the armed forces for over a decade. Yet the regime survives: business elites remain loyal, the Church issues no public condemnations, and the military continues to receive promotions and salaries on schedule. According to Wickham-Crowley, what is the most likely explanation for the regime’s survival?

Hagopian argues that Brazil’s formal transition left clientelism and subnational elite dominance largely intact. She locates the explanation not in what the military did, but in which of the following?

The second half of this course traces a sequence: civil wars and state repression → transitions to democracy → democratic erosion → accountability failures → social movement challenges to the terms of inclusion. At each stage, the same basic question recurs: how does the way political change happens shape what comes after it? You have read across this sequence: counterinsurgency and its legacies (Schwartz & Straus, Schirmer), transitions and their founding bargains (Wood, Hagopian), democratic erosion (Levitsky & Loxton, Corrales & Penfold), accountability failures (Weitz-Shapiro, Boas et al.), transitional justice (Roht-Arriaza, Trejo et al.), and social movements (Yashar, Van Cott). Drawing on any course material from Weeks 2–15, construct and defend your own argument about why democratic quality in Latin America has been so difficult to achieve and sustain since the transitions of the 1980s and 1990s. Address at least one competing explanation and make the case for why yours is more convincing. You are not required to cover every reading. A focused argument using two or three authors well is stronger than a list.

El Salvador’s military regime killed labor organizers, voided elections, and banned leftist parties throughout the 1970s. According to Wood, the key analytical point about this pattern is which of the following?

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